"To approach the problem of racialized political cultures via the dualistic system of ideas that gives us blackness and whiteness may already be to have conceded too much ground to raciality’s accumulated common sense. The Manichaean opposition of those color-coded aggregates is a fatal one. It erases earlier patterns of intermixture and combination through a simplifying mechanism that is the very instantiation of the colonial order. All its original violence is concentrated there in a condensed, and suspended, but nonetheless traumatic form."

Gilroy, P (2003) After the great white error… the great black mirage. In Moore, DS, Pandian, A and Kosek, J (eds) Race, Nature and the Politics of Difference:. (pp 73-98). Durham, NC: Duke University Press

Mexican secret police spied on Gabo (Gabriel García Márquez):

El par de hojas está fechado el 30 de abril 1980. Fue escrito a máquina y describe el arribo de un grupo de personas al aeropuerto de la Ciudad de México, procedentes de Cuba. En el último párrafo se lee: “(Gabriel) García Márquez es originario de Magdalena, Colombia, de 52 años de edad y porta el documento migratorio FM2 No. 200659 del Registro Nacional de Extranjeros de la Secretaría de Gobernación”. En seguida, viene el nombre del autor del documento: Miguel Nazar Haro, jefe de la Dirección Federal de Seguridad (DFS), la temida policía secreta del Gobierno mexicano.

El Archivo General de la Nación (AGN) resguarda en su Galería 1 tres legajos de documentos sobre el autor de Cien años de soledadfallecido este jueves 17 de abril de 2014, a sus 87 años. La DFS vigiló cada una de sus salidas del país, reportó la matrícula de los aviones que abordaba y de los que descendía, infiltró a sus agentes en las entrevistas que le hacían periodistas y le tomaron fotos de su casa en Jardines del Pedregal para saber quién entraba y quién salía.


Detail of a rather terrifying “Risk Map For the Central American Migrant,” prepared by several Mexican and Central American human rights groups.

The black crosses represent zones of “frequent deaths.” The circles with the female silhouette are zones of “sexual exploitation.” The orange states have “the largest incidence of aggressions.” The purple silhouettes are zones of “accidents and mutilations.” The red spots are official migrant detention centers.

(I’m writing my sections of our report covering our February trip to the Mexico-Guatemala border zone. Aiming for late May release. We’ve got to include at least part of this illustration.)

Apr. 6, 2014. People visit with loved ones through the U.S.-Mexico border fence at Friendship Park in San Ysidro, CA. Many deported families and friends visit each other, mainly on weekends, at the park after being separated by immigration officials. (Sandy Huffaker & Sandy Huffaker—Corbis)


"We are not myths of the past, ruins in the jungle or zoos. We are people and we want to be respected, not to be victims of intolerance…" -Rigoberta Menchu Tum

"Some of us, by virtue of our bodies and appearance, are presumed to be politically rather than intellectually motivated to study what we study."

Tell the US not to lift restrictions on funding the Guatemalan Army!

Guatemala’s UN Truth Commission report not only attributes 93% of all human rights violations and acts of violence to the Guatemalan State, which included over 600 massacres, it also finds the US responsible for playing a large role in providing military assistance and training to the Guatemalan army during the conflict. It was not until 1990, seven years after the most violent years of Guatemala’s internal armed conflict, that the US enacted a full ban on Department of State aid to the Guatemalan Army. Over the past two decades, restrictions on the ban have been weakened. Now, we face the possibility of seeing the restrictions lifted completely.

You can sign the petition at the Guatemala Human Rights Commission’s webpage (scroll to bottom):

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"Whereas an uncritical response might take the form of ‘what an awful story,’ a critical one might ask, ‘why is this story awful, and for whom and to what end?’ The uncritical response has the power of sway and is not about truth or fiction but about the psychic and emotive power of a story."

Guidotti-Hernández, NM (2011) Unspeakable Violence: Remapping US and Mexican national imaginaries. Durham, NC: Duke University Press

on the lynching of Josefa/Juanita in the US-Mexico borderlands


TIME: Diego Rivera (4 de abril de 1949)


TIME: Diego Rivera (4 de abril de 1949)

"This experience of being infantilized through an inadequate grasp of language is one that is largely unfamiliar to the monolingual English-speaking world, and it results in a quaint representation of cultural others as simple and unsophisticated, reproducing the inequalities of colonial relationships"
A Politics of Feminist Translation: Using Translation to Understand Gendered Meaning-Making in Research
Ingrid Palmary
Signs , Vol. 39, No. 3 (Spring 2014) , pp. 576-580
Click HERE to view in JSTOR

(via signsjournal)

50th Anniversary of US-backed coup d’etat to overthrow Brazilian government

President Kennedy and President Joao Goulart, 1962

(Posted April 2, 2014 | Edited by James G. Hershberg and Peter Kornbluh)

Washington, DC, April 2, 2014 –Almost two years before the April 1, 1964, military takeover in Brazil, President Kennedy and his top aides began seriously discussing the option of overthrowing Joao Goulart’s government, according to Presidential tape transcripts posted by the National Security Archive on the 50th anniversary of the coup d’tat. “What kind of liaison do we have with the military?” Kennedy asked top aides in July 1962. In March 1963, he instructed them: “We’ve got to do something about Brazil.”…

"I think we ought to take every step that we can, be prepared to do everything that we need to do," President Johnson instructed his aides regarding U.S. support for a coup as the Brazilian military moved against Goulart on March 31, 1964.

But Johnson inherited his anti-Goulart, pro-coup policy from his predecessor, John F. Kennedy. Over the last decade, declassified NSC records and recently transcribed White House tapes have revealed the evolution of Kennedy’s decision to create a coup climate and, when conditions permitted, overthrow Goulart if he did not yield to Washington’s demand that he stop “playing” with what Kennedy called “ultra-radical anti-Americans” in Brazil’s government. During White House meetings on July 30, 1962, and on March 8 and 0ctober 7, 1963, Kennedy’s secret Oval Office taping system recorded the attitude and arguments of the highest U.S. officials as they strategized how to force Goulart to either purge leftists in his government and alter his nationalist economic and foreign policies or be forced out by a U.S.-backed putsch.

Indeed, the very first Oval Office meeting that Kennedy secretly taped, on July 30, 1962, addressed the situation in Brazil. “I think one of our important jobs is to strengthen the spine of the military,” U.S. Ambassador Lincoln Gordon told the President and his advisor, Richard Goodwin. “To make clear, discreetly, that we are not necessarily hostile to any kind of military action whatsoever if it’s clear that the reason for the military action is…[Goulart’s] giving the country away to the…,” “Communists,” as the president finished his sentence. During this pivotal meeting, the President and his men decided to upgrade contacts with the Brazilian military by bringing in a new US military attaché-Lt. Col. Vernon Walters who eventually became the key covert actor in the preparations for the coup. “We may very well want them [the Brazilian military] to take over at the end of the year,” Goodwin suggested, “if they can.”




Regina José Galindo



a recent performance and video work by Galindo. The land around where the artist is standing is being removed by an excavator, a reference to the mass graves of those who were “disappeared” during the military regime of Efraín Ríos Montt—a figure praised by Ronald Reagan as “a man of great personal integrity and commitment,” who was recently acquitted for genocide and crimes against humanity.-Pablo León De La Barra